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The United States invaded Iraq in March 2003. Within weeks, American troops captured Baghdad. Saddam Hussein's government fell, and the Iraqi dictator went into hiding. On May 1, President George W. Bush announced the end of major combat operations in Iraq. In the battle for Iraq, the United States and its allies were victorious. Later, in December, Saddam Hussein was captured, but the fall of his government did not bring peace to Iraq. Instead, American forces were increasingly forced to fight insurgents. Former members of Saddam's regime, foreign jihadists, and other armed groups carried out ambushes, bombings, and attacks on coalition forces and Iraqis cooperating with them.
At the same time, powerful Shiite militias were emerging, some of which received weapons and support from neighboring Iran. What began as a simple invasion quickly turned into a much more complex war. Few places demonstrated this transformation better than Fallujah, a predominantly Sunni city about 40 miles west of Baghdad. By early 2004, Fallujah had become one of the most hostile places in Iraq for coalition forces. American patrols faced roadside bombs and sniper attacks, while rebel groups became increasingly active in the city itself. It was into such an environment on the morning of March 31, 2004, that four
Americans who worked for a company most people had never heard of entered. Their names were Scott Galvinston, Jericho Jerry Zofko, Wesley Batalona, and Michael Teague. All four were veterans of military service. But that morning, none of them were members of the United States Army anymore. They were civilian security contractors working for a company called Blackwater. The men were providing security for a convoy moving through Fallujah. Three food trucks accompanied two Blackwater SUVs.
One led the column, and the other closed it. As the Blackwater transport advanced through the city, the rebels were already waiting. The attack happened suddenly. The militants opened fire on the vehicles, killing all four Americans providing security. The drivers of the three food trucks managed to escape, abandoning the two Blackwater vehicles. But what happened next turned the ambush into a global event. The crowd attacked the cars. The bodies of the Americans were dragged out into the streets. They were mutilated and burned. Two bodies were brought to the bridge over the Euphrates River and hung from its steel structures. The crowd below
was celebrating. The cameras recorded everything. Within hours, footage of the bodies of dead Americans was broadcast around the world. For many Americans, this was their first exposure to the name Blackwater. And there was enormous pressure in Washington to respond. But what exactly was Blackwater? And how did a private company become so deeply involved in an American war? And why was the United States government willing to pay private individuals to do the most dangerous work in Iraq? Let's try to find out. Hello, I'm Mike Droberg, a Marine Corps veteran and filmmaker, and today on this episode of Forgotten History, we're going to try to answer those questions.
Beginning the toughest 26 days in Marine Corps history with faith in our armed forces. The 36th President of the United States died this afternoon. Tell them there are children and women here so they can stop. Eric Prince believed the government needed a better place to train people who make a living with guns in their hands. Born in Michigan in 1969, Prince grew up in a wealthy entrepreneurial family. His father, Edgar Prince, built a successful automobile manufacturing business and instilled in his children a strong belief in entrepreneurship and private initiative.
Eric Prince initially attended the United States Naval Academy before transferring to Hillsdale College. He left there because he didn't like the institution through which the government was preparing him for military service. After graduating from Hillsdale, he joined the Navy and became a SEAL officer. His military career introduced him not only to a vast training base, but also to what would influence much of his future career-the state bureaucracy. The United States had some of the best military personnel and equipment in the world. But building facilities, organizing specialized training, and responding to new demands could involve layers of competing bureaucracies. Prince believed that private business could act faster. After his
discharge from the Navy, he began developing the idea of a private training facility capable of serving military and law enforcement organizations. In 1997, Prince and his partners purchased thousands of acres of wetlands near the North Carolina -Virginia border. This location was remote and large enough to build large shooting ranges and training bases away from densely populated areas. They named the company Blackwater. The name comes from the dark, tannin-colored water that could be found in the marshes around the property. Initially, Blackwater was just a training company. The base offered shooting ranges, and later, increasingly complex facilities where military units and law enforcement agencies could practice
scenarios that were difficult to replicate at their locations. Instead of the government building the facility, Blackwater could provide these capabilities as a service. For its first few years, Blackwater remained relatively unknown outside of military and law enforcement circles. Then came September 11, 2001. The terrorist attacks on New York and Washington fundamentally changed American national security almost overnight. The United States invaded Afghanistan. Military and intelligence operations expanded around the world. Federal agencies suddenly needed more training, specialized personnel, and facilities capable of preparing such personnel for combat and counterterrorism operations. Black Order
fit perfectly into the new conditions. She already had established connections in military and law enforcement circles. And perhaps most importantly, she had access to a growing pool of highly skilled veterans. A retired Navy SEAL has years of specialized training paid for by American taxpayers. The same was true for Army Rangers, Marines, and other experienced personnel. Blackwater didn't have to create this experience from scratch. They could hire experienced veterans and quickly utilize their capabilities. And then, in March 2003, the United States invaded Iraq. As the occupation expanded, the American government faced a huge shortage of personnel. Diplomats needed protection.
Convoys had to move between increasingly dangerous locations. The objects needed protection. And Iraq's new security forces needed training. And many of the American military personnel who traditionally performed these tasks were already busy fighting the growing insurgency. The government could increase the size of the army or, for certain missions, purchase these services from private companies. One of their most important first tasks was to protect Paul Bremer, head of the Coalition Provisional Authority and one of the most prominent American officials in Iraq.
Bremer traveled through a country where insurgents have increasingly used roadside bombs, small arms ambushes and suicide attacks. Blackwater had formed well-armed defense teams staffed by seasoned veterans, and their job was simple. Get the client where they need to be and get them back alive. The company grew rapidly. Its personnel protected the most important Americans in Iraq, and Black Order gained a reputation for carrying out difficult missions where few wanted to work. Then in April 2004, just days after four Blackwater contractors
were killed in Fallujah, another team found itself surrounded by hundreds of armed men. This time, however, the Blackwater contractors were not ambushed, and they were going to demonstrate why the American government had hired them. On April 4, followers of radical Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr launched coordinated attacks in several Iraqi cities. His militia, known as the Magdi Army, openly challenged the American occupation. And Najaf became one of the centers of the uprising. Among their targets was the headquarters of the Coalition Provisional Authority in Najaf. On the roof were eight Blackwater contractors, four U.S. military police, and a Marine with a machine gun.
Hundreds of armed militants opposed them. The Magdi Army attacked with AK-47 assault rifles, machine guns, and rocket-propelled grenade launchers. From the rooftops and buildings around the complex, militants opened fire on American positions. Then a fierce battle began, lasting about 3 and a half hours. Thousands of bullets were fired from the complex. Hundreds of 40mm grenades were fired at the militant positions as the defenders tried to prevent Motti's army from capturing the headquarters. The sniper wounded several defenders, including a Marine on the roof. Hey, all these freaks are right here. Soon, ammunition began to run dangerously low.
The defenders called for military assistance, but no immediate reinforcements were available. Blackwater had another option. The company sent its own helicopters to the NHAF. Blackwater pilots flew directly into battle, delivering ammunition to the surrounded defenders. They then evacuated the seriously injured Marine. And then they did it again. Blackwater helicopters made a second flight to the area with additional ammunition while the contractors continued to fire from the roof. Eventually, American special forces arrived and reinforced the position. The headquarters managed to
hold on. The battle in NHAF demonstrated the appeal of Blackwater. Blackwater didn't have to wait for traditional military logistics to solve the problem. The company sent its own aircraft. This was exactly the speed and independence that Erik Prince believed a. As the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan expanded, so did Blackwater. Contractors could earn many times more than they did while serving in uniform, especially on dangerous overseas assignments. Blackwater was becoming a global security company. It provided personal protection teams, trained foreign security forces, and guarded important sites. In Iraq, one mission became particularly important.
Diplomatic security. Blackwater became one of the main companies supplying it. Contractors were constantly watching for approaching vehicles. Anything approaching the column could potentially be a suicide bomber. For the people in the armored vehicles, hesitation could have resulted in everyone's death. The laws governing their behavior abroad were considerably more complex, especially in the early years of the Iraq war. The interim coalition administration added another layer to the contradictions. In June 2004, shortly before the transfer of sovereignty to the Iraqi interim government, the TKA issued Order No. 17.
Contractors working for the coalition were granted immunity from Iraqi prosecution for actions taken under the terms of their contracts. The United States did not want its personnel and contractors to be subject to the unstable and imperfect Iraqi legal system while carrying out official missions. This decision created an obvious problem. If an armed contractor shot someone in Iraq, Iraqi authorities usually couldn't simply arrest him and put him on trial for actions performed under contract. However, American criminal law could still apply in certain circumstances, and contractors could potentially be prosecuted in the
United States. Then, in September 2007, a Blackwater security team entered a busy traffic ring in Baghdad known as Nisour Square. And in a matter of minutes, Blackwater was forever changed. On September 16, 2007, a Blackwater tactical group known as Raven 23 was operating in Baghdad. That afternoon, a bomb exploded near a meeting between an American government official and Iraqi officials. A Blackwater team was sent to help secure an escape route. Shortly thereafter, the convoy entered Nisour Square, a large and busy traffic circle in western Baghdad. Blackwater vehicles entered the intersection and attempted to stop civilian traffic. Then a white Kia sedan continued to approach the square.
Inside were an Iraqi medical student and his mother. Members of Raven 23 believed the vehicle posed a threat. One of the Blackwater contractors opened fire. The driver was injured. According to later government case materials, the car continued to move forward as the injured driver lost control, giving the impression that it was still approaching the motorcade. New shots rang out. The driver and his mother were killed. But the shooting didn't end at the Kia. Blackwater contractors began shooting at other vehicles and at people in and around the square. Fire was opened from machine guns and rifles. One of the contractors was also firing grenade launchers.
Iraqi police and civilians tried to escape. Blackwater personnel later insisted that their convoy came under enemy fire and that they were responding to what they believed was an attack. They pointed to damage to their cars and other physical evidence to support their version. However, investigators and numerous Iraqi witnesses came to a very different conclusion, insisting that there was no initial attack on the Blackwater convoy. They said Blackwater contractors opened fire without any provocation. By the time the shooting stopped, 17 Iraqis had been killed and about 20 wounded. The victims included men, women and children. The youngest person to die was 9 years old. This incident
instantly sparked outrage throughout Iraq. For Iraqis already suspicious of armed American contractors, the event in the square seemed to confirm their worst fears. Here are heavily armed foreigners operating in the middle of Baghdad. Civilians died, and the Iraqi government could not simply arrest the perpetrators and bring them to justice. Erik Prince testified before Congress just a few weeks later and defended the company's overall performance, claiming that Blackwater personnel repeatedly protected American officials in extremely dangerous conditions. The first investigation fell apart after a federal judge ruled that prosecutors improperly used testimony that
contractors were forced to provide after the shooting. But the matter did not disappear. The Justice Department reopened the case, and in 2014, four former Blackwater contractors were found guilty. Nicholas Slayton was convicted of murder. Paul Slough, Evan Liberty and Dustin Gerd were convicted of manslaughter and After that, there were appeals. Slayton's original conviction was overturned and he was tried again. After one retrial ended without a verdict, another jury found him guilty of first- degree murder. The legal wrangling lasted for over a decade, but Blackwater's reputation was destroyed almost instantly. The Nisour Square incident did not immediately force Blackwater to cease operations, but it did fundamentally change the
company's relationship with the Iraqi government, and later with the US government. For years, Blackwater operated largely out of public view. It was now one of the most well-known names associated with the Iraq War. However, the United States government faced a difficult problem. He became too dependent on private security contractors. Their immediate withdrawal meant finding thousands of trained replacements, additional vehicles, and aviation logistics. Because the war was still ongoing, the bureaucracy that Blackwater had originally created to bypass could not simply be replaced by the company overnight. So the company stayed in Iraq. But her situation was becoming increasingly difficult to maintain. In 2009, the
Iraqi government announced that Blackwater would no longer be permitted to operate in the country. The State Department subsequently decided not to renew the company's primary diplomatic security contract in Iraq. Blackwater's most famous chapter was coming to an end. In February 2009, Blackwater Worldwide changed its name. It became known as Xe Services. The company insisted the change reflected a broader restructuring and expansion beyond the Blackwater brand. But changing the name could not erase the controversy.
Eric Prince increasingly distanced himself from the company he created. In 2010, Prince left his management position and later moved to Abu Dhabi. The following year, the company was sold to private investors. Soon it received another name- Academi. In 2014, Academi became part of Constellis, a larger security organization that included several companies working in government contracting and security. The Blackwater name has effectively disappeared. But business-no. Private security contractors continued to protect diplomats, guard facilities, and work for governments around the world.
The industry that Blackwater had helped bring to the public was now firmly entrenched. But one part of Blackwater's story remained unfinished. The men convicted of the Nisour Square murders. Then, on December 22, 2020, President Donald Trump pardoned Nicholas Slayton, Paul Slough, Evan Liberty, and Dustin Gerd. The decision instantly reignited controversy, however, with supporters of clemency arguing that the contractors had operated in extremely dangerous conditions, that the trials had been deeply flawed, and that the men themselves had been treated unfairly by the justice system. They pointed to evidence that was ignored
or dismissed during the investigation. Investigators found AK-47 shell casings at the scene, and at least one Blackwater vehicle had bullet holes and damage that the defense argued was consistent with return fire. Radio communications from the convoy also included reports of enemy fire, and Blackwater team leader Jimmy Watson testified that he heard sounds similar to AK-47 gunfire when the shooting began. Eric Prince remained a controversial figure. But despite the disappearance of the Blackwater name, Prince did not abandon this philosophy. He continued to advocate for private sector solutions to military and security problems around the world.
Blackwater's legacy is much more complex than its reputation might suggest. The United States government has created a huge demand for experienced security personnel, and companies like Blackwater have volunteered to fill it. And in many ways, Blackwater was extremely successful. Today, governments around the world continue to engage private companies for security, training, logistics, intelligence, and military support. The name Blackwater may no longer exist, but the idea behind it remains very much alive. Blackwater has built its reputation on speed, flexibility, and the ability to operate without the significant bureaucracy inherent in conventional military formations. But was this freedom one of the reasons why Blackwater was so
effective? Could it be that removing these levels of oversight has set the stage for disaster? Has the modern army become too bureaucratic to respond quickly and effectively? Or maybe these rules, norms, and chains of command are the very thing that keeps our people from going too far? And is there? Share your thoughts on Blackwater in the comments below. Thank you for watching "Forgotten History." Please like, share, and subscribe. If you have any comments or ideas for the show, we would love to hear them. Thank you again.
